Thailand’s ‘Bamboo Diplomacy’: Ambiguous Alliances Amid Sino-American Rivalries
- Editorial team
- 4 hours ago
- 3 min read
Thailand has long cultivated a flexible foreign policy often described as “bamboo diplomacy” — bending with geopolitical winds without breaking ties. In 2025, this approach is again at the heart of Bangkok’s efforts to navigate increasingly intense competition between China and the United States, while preserving its strategic autonomy.
At its core, Thailand’s diplomacy is shaped by a desire not to alienate any major partner — a balancing act between historical alliances, regional frameworks, and economic interests. The logic is straightforward: maintain good relations with all sides to avoid being forced into a binary bloc alignment.
A Traditional Anchor: United States and ASEAN
The United States remains a central security partner for Thailand, anchored in a mutual defense treaty dating back to 1954. In recent years — particularly through 2023 and 2024 — Bangkok and Washington conducted nearly fifty joint military exercises and strengthened strategic dialogues. Thailand has also engaged Washington on critical mineral agreements, aiming to diversify its economic and security ties without fully aligning.
Equally important is the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), a multilateral platform that Bangkok uses to reinforce regional stability and amplify its diplomatic influence. Within this framework, Thailand seeks to leverage collective engagement while avoiding entanglement in great-power polarization.
China: An Expanding Economic Relationship
China has become Thailand’s largest trading partner, and economic cooperation has surged in recent years. Beijing and Bangkok have deepened military cooperation with regular joint exercises — including the annual “Blue Strike” drills — alongside Chinese sales of armored vehicles and submarines to Thai forces. Major infrastructure projects, such as high-speed rail and 5G technology deployment, further bind the two economies.
Yet Thai officials emphasize that this is hedging, not submission: Bangkok negotiates hard in high-stakes deals — for example, over interest rates on Chinese-built high-speed rail — to protect its sovereignty and economic autonomy. While cooperation is robust, Thai policymakers stress there is no unconditional alignment with Beijing.
Russia: Historic Ties with Limited Strategic Weight
Thailand’s relationship with Russia spans more than a century, rooted in longstanding diplomatic contacts. Today, trade remains modest — around $2.7 billion in 2021 — focused primarily on tourism, agriculture, and fertilizer markets.
In 2025, Thailand’s engagement with Russia included participation in a BRICS-linked investment forum, highlighting sectors such as energy and technology. Despite this, Bangkok’s strategic ties with Moscow remain limited, with Thailand typically abstaining from divisive votes at the United Nations, such as on the war in Ukraine, to avoid alienating Western partners.
A Precarious Balance in an Intensifying Strategic Landscape
In 2025, Thailand’s diplomatic gymnastics include participation in both the U.S.-led Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) and China-backed trade initiatives like CAFTA 3.0 — illustrating Bangkok’s commitment to extracting benefits from all sides. At the same time, Thailand has flirted with the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) under Moscow’s umbrella, reflecting its ongoing search for diversified geopolitical space.
This flexible posture has enabled Thailand to position itself as a pivotal regional actor capable of “leading from the middle.” However, analysts warn that deepening economic reliance on Beijing — if not carefully calibrated — could narrow Bangkok’s strategic choices and weaken its diplomatic credibility with traditional partners.
In this turbulent era of great-power rivalry, Thailand’s “bamboo diplomacy” remains resilient but fragile — a balancing act with significant risks and rewards in Southeast Asia’s shifting geopolitical terrain.
The sources used come from reputable institutions such as IFRI, RSIS, the Carnegie Endowment, and Asian think tanks like Fulcrum and the Lowy Institute, with publications dating up to 2025. None of them are from sensationalist media; they rely on academic analyses and official data..